Read Between The Lines: Arun Jaitley Can’t Just Spend His Way Out Of Trouble

The Union budget, to be presented by finance minister Arun Jaitley on Feb. 01, has engaged everybody’s attention for multiple reasons. Primarily, though, it’s because this is his last full budget before the 2019 general elections and everybody anticipates a political-economy imprint. But, mainly, it will be judged for its ability to create conditions leading to asset and job creation. So far, so logical.

Job creation will need large dollops of investment in fresh capacity or augmenting existing capacity—whether it’s manufacturing, services or infrastructure. Investment as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) has been falling for a while now, primarily because of private sector withdrawal, and the only way to move the needle is for the government to invest in large projects. This hit a roadblock because resident economic orthodoxies drew a thick red line on fiscal deficits, limiting the government’s capacity for public expenditure.

This hit a roadblock because resident economic orthodoxies drew a thick red line on fiscal deficits, limiting the government’s capacity for public expenditure.

Thankfully, chief economic advisor Arvind Subramanian may have found a way around the ideological obstacles through the economic survey for 2017-18.

“Invest, and savings shall follow”

The ingredients necessary for asset and job creation—investment and its raw material, savings—have been in trouble for some time and need remedial measures. Ideally logic—and received economic wisdom—would have then said that higher savings need to be generated to catalyse investment. This is where Subramanian makes an important deviation: He says, forget savings for now and focus on increasing investment first. That will get you growth which in turn will take care of savings.

What he seems to be saying is that it’s okay for the government to breach the year’s fiscal deficit target, if government investment can crowd in private investment and spur another virtuous cycle of economic growth. The economic survey doesn’t seem to be saying this explicitly but it’s there. With regard to fiscal performance in 2017-18, the document states: “Reflecting largely fiscal developments at the centre, a pause in general government fiscal consolidation relative to 2016-17 cannot be ruled out.” While discussing the prospects for 2018-19, the survey is cautious: “…setting overly ambitious targets for consolidation—especially in a pre-election year—based on optimistic forecasts that carry a high risk of not being realised will not garner credibility…”

So, Subramanian seems to be bestowing investment with some kind of primacy. Investment is important because government and private sector investment into new factories, infrastructure facilities, or services will be necessary to create jobs for the armies of young, able-bodied youth joining the workforce every year.

But the investment rate, measured through gross capital formation (GCF), has been declining: from a peak of 39% of GDP in 2011-12 to 33.2% now. A decline in investment rate means a slowdown in fresh capacity being added to existing manufacturing, infrastructure, or service capacities. That also means a diminished ability to absorb employable youth.

All eyes on private sector

Private investment is a key engine that drives the overall investment rate, contributing between 65% and 75%. The government has already been spending substantial amounts in public expenditure in the hope of “crowding in” private investment. The centre’s capital expenditure has increased from 2.6% of the GDP during 2014-15 to 3% in 2016-17. According to data from the controller general of accounts, till November 2017, the government had already spent 60% of its budgeted allocation on capital expenditure. In some sectors, such as the ministry of road transport and highways, 73% of the budgeted outlay on capital expenditure had been spent till November 2017.

Yet this has failed to catalyse private investment. The private sector’s GCF has dropped from a peak of 29.2% of the GDP during 2011-12 to 23.9% in 2015-16. Going by the first advance estimates of national income for 2017-18, GCF is unlikely to improve. While the government may have to continue focusing on capital expenditure, it has simultaneously taken action on other fronts to spur private investment: resolving the non-performing assets overhang in public sector banks’ balance sheets, recapitalising these banks, and improving the ease of doing business.

Key to accelerating private investment, though, will be stability and certainty in the policy environment. An overnight, unilateral decision to demonetise high-denomination bank notes, without first arranging for adequate replacement and replenishment, resulted in considerable hardship for both firms and households. Before the economy could re-adjust to the new reality, the government introduced the goods and services tax (GST) which, ideally welcome in normal circumstances, added to the confusion and chaos.

No escaping savings

But, much as Subramanian may want to take his foot off the savings pedal, the economy will need increased savings for investment to materialise. Perhaps not immediately but soon.

Data for India’s gross savings rate is available only till March 2016 but provides some general trends for analysis. So, here’s the bad news: India’s gross savings rate has been falling for the past few years. It reached a peak of 36.8% of GDP during 2007-08 but has steadily declined thereafter to 32.2% by 2015-16. It will be interesting to see how it behaves during 2016-17, especially since it will take into account the effects of demonetisation.

On a disaggregated basis, the household sector still accounts for the largest share of savings at 19.1% of the GDP, a sharp drop from its high of 25.2% in 2009-10. Traditionally, the household sector has contributed the bulk of savings, with the private sector and the public sector bringing up the rear. The government, which forms a part of the public sector, has traditionally shown negative savings, thereby bringing down the overall rate by 1-2% of the GDP. The household sector’s savings rate, despite its decline, has one redeeming feature: Over the years, it has been slowly moving away from physical assets (such as land or bullion) towards financial assets, with the ratios decisively flipping in 2015-16.

The household sector’s savings in financial assets have been further bolstered by the after-effects of demonetisation and apprehensions over deposits being used for “bailing-in” wobbly banks. The recent rush of savings into equity markets, via mutual funds, is testimony to that phenomenon.

Disaggregated gross savings data shows that the private sector’s savings, especially in the non-financial segment, has been going up—from 8.3% of the GDP in 2011-12 to 11% in 2015-16. This means many non-financial companies in the private sector, in either manufacturing or services, are sitting on cash and waiting for the right opportunity to invest these surpluses.

Budget 2018, therefore, must incorporate a policy nudge to not only increase the overall savings rate but to also channel private non-financial corporate savings into investments.

There are many expectations from the budget which, oddly, is the most-awaited economic event in the policy calendar. Nowhere else in the world does a budget offer such mass anticipation or allure; its appeal in India, perhaps, springs from its ability to make annual changes in personal tax rates and levies on consumables. With the GST introduced from July 2017, some of the yearly variations in prices of goods will now cease.

Yet, the excitement persists because of the political action expected over the next 12-18 months. Given past tumbles and future challenges, one of budget 2018’s big themes is likely to be job creation. And, for that, it may first need to sort out how to stimulate savings and investment.

The above article was written on invitation from quartz. it can also be read here

Will Jaitley Sow The Right Seeds?

As Finance Minister Arun Jaitley prepares to present the Budget on February 1, one issue will dominate his mindspace: agriculture. With large sections of India’s population depending on the farm sector, continuing distress has reached crisis proportions.

And this predicament manifested itself in the recent Gujarat elections where the BJP retained its majority but lost 16 seats from its 2012 tally. After the polls, Gujarat Chief Secretary J N Singh attributed this loss to farmer distress and unemployment. The distressing after-effects of demonetisation were felt most acutely in the agrarian economy.

This year sees Assembly elections in eight states, of which the predominantly agri-states Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh are currently ruled by the BJP. And in the 2019 general elections, the BJP will be forced to defend its 2014 majority. Hence, agriculture and allied industries will surely play a significant role in shaping the Budget.

Agriculture has been in deep crisis for some time now: The Central Statistics Office’s advance estimates for 2017-18 GDP growth show agriculture growing at 2.1 per cent in the current fiscal against 4.9 per cent during 2016-17.

Apart from the long-term structural issues ignored by all governments so far—fragmented land-holdings impairing productivity, constraints in the input (water, credit, seeds, fertilisers) supply chain, insufficient forward linkages, lack of market access, wastage—the current year has seen some additional low points. The Budget will focus on three areas in agriculture that will convince farmers to vote the BJP back.

Infrastructure: Weather reports showed that 2017 monsoons were bountiful, with a minor deficit. However, there were spatial disparities in distribution of rainfall. This affected kharif sowing in Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab and Madhya Pradesh with pockets of stress recorded in Maharashtra and Karnataka.

This affected output and consequently incomes. It also brought home the age-old problem of how the slow pace of irrigation—covering only 40 per cent of cultivable land—has made agriculture overly dependent on monsoons. With frequent droughts, this infrastructure deficit translates into lower crop and incomes.

For example, an October 2017 presentation from rating agency Crisil showed MP felt the highest stress, with deficient rainfall aggravated by poor irrigation infrastructure. It also singled out Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh which showed a dip in profits earned per hectare during 2017. Jaitley may decide to increase the budget allocation for irrigation, having allotted lower amounts in the previous years. There also needs to be a review of the money spent on irrigation projects which are not being used to their potential.

Sliding prices: During 2017, the arbitrary market structures and policies yielded lower profits for farmers, even with losses in some areas. Loss of income due to sliding prices is critical to understanding farmer distress. This even prompted farmer organisations to request Jaitley to ensure some kind of assured income for farmers in the Budget. The story of declining farmer income is illustrative of the policy missteps by the government.

For example, faulty signals to farmers in the previous year, especially through higher minimum support price (MSP) for certain crops (pulses, for example) led to a bumper crop in 2017. But callous trade policy, especially regarding free imports, led to a glut. To top this, the government’s procurement target was inexplicably kept at a low percentage of the total harvest. Prices inevitably crashed well below MSP and farmers had to sell their crop at non-remunerative prices.

There is also the undeniable shadow of the trader community—the BJP’s traditional vote bank—looming over the Centre’s agriculture policy. The government’s MSP policy has been floundering for a while because of insufficient education leading to low levels of awareness among farmers, inaccessible procurement centres forcing farmers to sell to local traders for lesser prices (in many cases to the local moneylender) and graft in the official procurement system.

The Centre’s eNAM (electronic National Agriculture Market) which provides farmers a platform for selling their produce by linking them electronically with traders across the country is still a work in progress.

Policy Politics: In an open letter to Jaitley, Ajay Vir Jakhar, chairman of Punjab State Farmers’ Commission, has argued that the government’s policies must pivot from “Food Policy” to “Farmers’ Policy”. This is a major change in focus and would require complete overhauling of the farm policy. This suggestion also encapsulates within it the dilemma that confronts policymakers: Should they design policy to ensure food for all at all costs or ensure fair income-generation opportunities for farmers that will also lead to food security?

The policy framework should also examine how to deal with farm-related payments which are entangled in red tape. For example, the crop insurance programme—Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, launched in 2016—has drowned farmers in a sea of paperwork and failed to provide either adequate or timely compensation. The failure of this scheme has been cited as one reasons for Gujarat farmers, especially Saurashtra-based farmers, to change their voting preferences.

Jaitley’s earlier Budgets devoted many sections and paragraphs to the farm economy. However, many of these policies, schemes and announcements were seen as course corrections, tinkering with existing schemes or just plain grandstanding. February 1 should give him an opportunity to make some substantive changes in the farm sector.

The above article was written for New Indian Express and can also be read here

Budget 2018: A Trinity of Challenges Confronts Arun Jaitley

Budget 2018 is Arun Jaitley’s last full budget before next year’s general election and he may choose to do nothing but wait it out

There is something magical about the number three. In Shakespeare’s tragic play, it is three witches who provide Macbeth with a prophecy. The Chinese consider three as the perfect number, three represents the holy trinity, and so on. Finance minister Arun Jaitley’s last Union budget turned out to be quite prescient when he presaged three identifiable risks for the Indian economy: the Federal Reserve increasing interest rates, oil prices rising, and a retreat from globalization. Most of these risks are playing out with slight variations.

There are new fault lines developing now and it will be interesting to see whether the upcoming Union budget has a toolkit for these challenges.

One emerging danger is the capital market’s decoupling from the real economy. This was perceptively highlighted in recent interviews by Uday Kotak, executive vice-chairman and managing director of Kotak Mahindra Bank. In one interview he said: “Money is coming to a broad funnel and it’s going into a narrow pipe where massive amount of Indian savers’ money is now going into few hundred stocks…The amount of money that’s going into small and mid-cap stocks is something on which we have to ask tough questions. Is there a risk of a bubble?”

Kotak could be on to something. According to data from the Association of Mutual Funds in India, investment in mutual funds (net of redemptions) during April-December 2017 was up 28% over the previous year’s corresponding period. Much of this is flowing into stocks and influencing key indices: the 30-share S&P BSE Sensex has appreciated over 29% in the one-year period between 18 January 2017, and 18 January 2018. No other asset class can match these returns. State Bank of India’s fixed deposits for one year pay 6.25%, the government’s 364-day T-bills were recently auctioned at a cut-off rate of 6.52%, metals have ranged between 14-18%, gold yielded about 4%, crude oil is roughly 6% up and real estate continues to remain in the dog-house.

Two provisos merit mention: bitcoins are excluded because they are not available widely (like art or horses) and all the above returns are taxable while returns from investment in stocks for more than a year are tax free.

Curiously, and by serendipitous timing, discussions over a long-term capital gains (LTCG) tax on equity holdings are suddenly in play. LTCG—defined as gains realized from equity sales after holding for more than a year—are exempt from taxation. Short-term capital gains are taxed at 15%. The LTCG debate looks and feels like a test balloon floated to gauge the mood for new taxes. The guessing now is that tax-free LTCG may require a longer holding period of, say, two years. Even then, it is unlikely to yield great tax revenues.

Herein lies Jaitley’s dilemma: a larger section of Indians is now affected (directly or indirectly) by market movements and there’s no saying how additional taxes will have an impact on share values. Jaitley may want another Tobin-like tax to slow down runaway markets—investors already pay securities transaction tax, averaging around Rs 7,400 crore annually—but without rocking the boat. The market’s reception to government slashing its additional borrowing programme by Rs 30,000 crore (Rs 300 billion) was euphoric—the BSE Sensex rose over 300 points—ignoring that Rs 20,000 crore (Rs 200 billion) extra will still be borrowed. It is all down to managing the news cycle so that markets do not reverse course.

The LTCG speculation may have been prompted by need for new tax sources, given the slowdown in overall tax revenue accretion—till November 2017, 57% of the full year’s target had been collected while expenditure has raced ahead. Tax revenue growth is slack because the goods and services tax is taking time to settle down. Cheerleaders have made much of the spike in income-tax collections (15% higher than the corresponding period last year) but are silent about the slowdown in indirect taxes which not only provide a larger proportion of tax collections every year but also indicate continuing stagnation in the real economy with direct repercussions on unemployment.

There are red lights flashing elsewhere. Post demonetisation, money supply is in a frisky zone—in the 12 months to 22 December 2017, it has grown by 10.5% against 6.2% in the previous 12-month period. This has forced the Reserve Bank of India to suck out around Rs3.4 trillion liquidity between 26 December and 6 January. So, a rate cut looks remote at the moment.

Add to these the persistence of risks Jaitley mentioned last year—oil prices inching up and the Federal Reserve’s December interest rate increase with more likely to come in 2018. Then there’s the US’s new corporate-friendly tax bill which provides companies incentives to take back home roughly $3 trillion of global profits—Apple, for example, has announced it is repatriating close to $252 billion.

All this complicates Jaitley’s task. This is his last full budget before next year’s general election and he may choose to do nothing but wait it out. But he has to contend with three (that number again) challenges, which will directly have an impact on eight state elections this year and a general election next year—balancing a hysterical stock market with a slow real economy, providing enough policy measures to incentivise private sector investment and spur job creation, ensuring adequate allocations for the rural sector given the continuing farm distress.

Beyond that, it is most likely to be a holding operation which, in itself, is no mean task.

The above article was first published in Mint newspaper and can also be read here

Fintech Moves In The New Year

Government and regulatory agencies expected to provide some policy actions and regulatory direction to fintech

The lingering after-effects of demonetisation were felt through calendar 2017. These were further buffeted by the introduction of the goods and services tax. Both events hastened the adoption of fintech, particularly digital payments. The trend is likely to be consolidated during 2018, with government and regulatory agencies expected to provide some policy actions and regulatory direction.

The government’s resolve was perhaps reinforced by EY Fintech Adoption Index 2017, which surveyed 22,000 respondents across 20 countries. India’s adoption rate is seen as among the highest in the world, second only to China’s. So, what can finance minister Arun Jaitley do in his last full budget that can further improve the adoption rate?

Some pending issues from last year’s budget need his attention first.

One, the 25-billion digital transactions target, spanning multiple platforms (Unified Payments Interface, Unstructured Supplementary Service Data, Aadhaar Pay, Immediate Payment Service and debit card), is likely to be missed. This will require the government to conduct additional research on what needs to be done, especially how best to ground such annual targets in reality.

The other pending issue is completing the formation of a Payments Regulatory Board, which was set up through an amendment to the Payment and Settlement Systems Act. While the new board was a follow-up to the Watal Committee’s recommendations, the composition of the board disregards the committee report’s spirit and intent. The board currently has equal number of representatives only from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the government.

There are a host of other targets and promises that were made in the previous budget that either remain unfulfilled or about which updates are not available in the public domain—such as, using Small Industries Development Bank of India’s refinancing role to allow small and micro units to access formal finance, or accelerating financial inclusion using digital payments platforms. In the forthcoming budget, Jaitley will need to iron out numerous regulatory and infrastructure issues.

The first move should be to re-imagine the role of National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI). The company introduces itself as “an umbrella organization for all retail payments in India.” The NPCI was set up with the “guidance and support” of RBI and the Indian Banks Association for creating a reliable and robust payments infrastructure in India. Its shareholders are commercial and cooperative banks and its products are limited to only the banking industry. This is where the distortions set in.

Currently, NPCI is like the owner and major user of a common infrastructure facility and allows only select customers to use this resource. NPCI’s products should be given the tag of utility infrastructure, to be used as an open application programming interface by the fintech industry. This is likely to foster new products and innovation. In other words, if the government plans to use fintech to achieve financial inclusion, it cannot afford to exclude non-bank payment service providers from common utility infrastructure.

Second, administered merchant discount rates (MDR)—the rate which banks charge merchants for providing payment infrastructure—have been quite contentious, especially since they are seen as an intrusion into a commercial relationship between the card issuer (mostly a bank) and the merchant. The RBI’s latest regulatory guidance caps MDR charges to drive up merchant acceptance of digital payments. Two anomalies emerge which need some course correction.

The guidelines spell out differentiated capped rates, based on the annual turnover of the merchant. This might become cumbersome and subject to various abuses. There is another problem. The RBI’s moves can be viewed as a market development strategy for fostering greater acceptance of digital payments. However, in all such endeavours, it is desirable to spell out the sunset period. For instance, the Union cabinet has decided to subsidize merchants for all digital transactions below Rs2,000 for the next two years. Even if one ignores the policy’s overt political ambitions, there is a visible end-point for the exercise.

Third, the government must take a call on blockchains and crypto-currencies soon. The government and RBI have been repeatedly cautioning investors about risks of investing in cryptocurrency, especially bitcoin. Simultaneously, a committee under the secretary, economic affairs, in the finance ministry is examining all issues related to cryptocurrencies. Policy and regulatory action should try to remain a step ahead of market practices, especially since some Indian banks have already developed blockchain technology to deal with overseas clients. Axis Bank, ICICI Bank and Yes Bank have all separately developed, or tied up with technology companies, to use blockchain technology for faster cross-border remittances. For example, the State Bank of India has joined hands with 29 other banks and finance companies (including ICICI Bank) to fund BankChain, a blockchain based cross-border payments platform.

Finally, RBI’s guidelines on peer-to-peer (P2P) lending need further refinement to bolster the nation’s growing fintech credentials. The rules have confusing eligibility criteria, are ultra-conservative in lender exposure limits and allocate too much discretionary power to the central bank without spelling out specific trigger points for regulatory action.

The above article originally appeared in the Mint newspaper and can also be read here