Is the ‘Modi Premium’ Wearing Off in the Stock Markets?

As Modi completes one year in office, a sense of despondency pervades the customary reviews that ritually accompany such an event. Rumblings of discontent have emerged from various stakeholders and stock markets have taken the lead in signalling disappointment with his performance.

As Prime Minister Narendra Modi completes one year in office, a sense of despondency pervades the customary reviews that ritually accompany such an event. Rumblings of discontent have emerged from various stakeholders, including Corporate India. But it is the stock markets that seem to have taken the lead in signalling disappointment with his performance.

The bellwether index S&P BSE Sensex, comprising 30 stocks, has witnessed a major erosion in values over the past few weeks. From its all-time peak of 29,681.77 points achieved on January 29, 2015, the Sensex hit a low of 26,599.11 on May 7: a sharp drop of 3082.66 points (or 10.38%) in slightly over three months.

The capital market’s rebuff is symbolic: it tries to aggregate what’s going on in different parts of the economy and transmits its sentiment through one single number. And going by its recent behaviour, there seems to be plenty that is wrong, or perceived to be wrong.

Foreign portfolio investors, an influential investor segment in the capital markets, are a visibly disgruntled lot and they have been letting off steam by selling en masse. In the first 10 trading days in May (till May 18), FPIs were net sellers to the extent of $2.306 billion. FPIs enjoy disproportionate influence over Indian capital markets, primarily because they bring larger volumes to bear than domestic institutions. Low retail participation in the capital markets — either directly or indirectly — also keeps Indian markets shallow.

Tax uncertainties

These FPIs decided to head for the exit because of continuing tax uncertainty. Finance minister Arun Jaitley’s 2015-16 Budget had unequivocally clarified that tax will not be levied on the capital gains of FPIs in the current year. But, unfortunately, there was no assurance that past cases won’t be re-assessed. And, true to form, tax authorities sent notices to various FPIs to pay up for past gains. That precipitated widespread resentment, with some FPIs even going to court and, of course, venting their spleen by selling Indian stocks.

The minister, presumably rattled by the exodus and the bad publicity all this was generating, has gone out of his way to placate FPIs. Apart from putting all reviews and fresh cases on hold, he resorted to the time-tested stalling tactic: he appointed a committee. In effect, he has kicked the can down the road and bought some time. This incident also illustrates how FPIs have emerged as a crucial constituency, with an uneven share-of-voice.

Unsatisfactory corporate results is the other reason why Sensex is volatile. Many companies — especially in the mid-cap segment — have reported disappointing results for 2014-15, signifying that demand for goods and services continues to remain weak. A report in Mint has highlighted how Q4FY15 sales of 142 companies included in BSE-500 (and for which results were available) has grown at the slowest pace in 16 quarters since Q1FY11.

This is evidence that the economy is still far from recovery. The Index for Industrial Production has grown by only 2.8% during 2014-15. Consumer durables manufacturing contracted by 12.5% during the year, compared with 2013-14, signifying the lack of purchasing power in the economy.

Matters have been made worse by the unseasonal rain in many parts of the country this year, destroying hectares of standing crop, which typically comes to the farm markets in April. This is likely to further dampen demand for consumer goods in the rural areas. The stock markets are also trying to capture this trend.

Oil prices fall opportunity lost

One can argue that this is sheer bad luck and the government cannot be held responsible for this catastrophe. While that is true, it is also a fact that the government didn’t rush to reap the dividends of fortuitously low oil prices when it came to power. Since then oil prices have climbed 50%, spooked by the continuing West Asian crisis and some shale oil wells in USA shutting down.

There could be another charitable explanation for the unusually turbulent Sensex: that expectations from PM Modi might have raced way ahead of reality, especially after the depressing paralysis that gripped the economy in UPA-II’s second term. The common beef (pun intended) is that even the current BJP-led government has plumped for incrementalism, rather than bold policy measures they had promised.

There are two sides to this debate and both can be deemed valid. But, what is undeniably true is that the stock market has already started discounting PM Modi’s premium, even before he completes a full year in office. And, though the Sensex is still up 14.78% from where it was a year ago — it closed at 27,687 on May 18, 2015, compared with 24,121.74 on May 16, 2014 — it seems that market participants have already watered down their expectations and moderated their hopes about a magical, almost fantastical, turn-around in the economy.

Courtesy:

Published first in The Wire (http://thewire.in/2015/05/19/is-the-modi-premium-wearing-off-in-the-stock-markets/) on May 19,

and then subsequently reprinted in 

Gateway House (http://www.gatewayhouse.in/is-the-modi-premium-wearing-off-in-the-stock-markets/) on same day.

Working The Budget: Before India Goes Business As Unusual, Fix Patchwork Policies

One of the promises made by the BJP in its election campaign was to change the mode of governance. This pledge found resonance with voters because the dominant mode of governance and service delivery was felt to have been appropriated by the privileged, which included the politician-bureaucrat-businessman nexus. Narendra Modi’s rhetoric of “minimum government, maximum governance” promised to upend the superstructure. This meant giving the short shrift to business as usual.

But it would appear that it’s not so easy to extirpate the old ways of doing business. The decision to impose a punitive capital gains tax on debt mutual funds (MFs) has classic Indian bureaucratic response to market initiatives written all over it. Household and corporate savings have been exiting bank deposits and heading for fixed maturity plans (FMPs) and debt MFs. The government wanted to stop this because there was a tax arbitrage at play here. But what they failed to see is that there is also an issue of real returns here.

The problem is simple: interest income from bank deposits attracts income tax. After deducting tax and the rate of inflation from interest income, the real return received by depositors is negative in most cases. There are two options thereafter for investors: move their funds to physical assets, such as gold or property, or move to more efficient financial instruments. Since investment in FMPs and debt MFs qualifies for lower taxes, many depositors forsake bank deposits in favour of debt MFs.

The tax arbitrage could be eliminated by improving the real returns provided by bank deposits. In the short term, this can be achieved by aligning tax breaks on bank deposits and debt MFs. But this may be unrealistic and could create an undesirable precedent. In the longer run, though, the only way to provide positive real returns is to ensure that inflation doesn’t erode returns.

While the arbitrage opportunity has now been plugged, there is still no guarantee that all the money invested in debt MFs or FMPs will necessarily return to bank deposits. What the government does not realise is that the money moving from bank deposits to debt MFs stays in the system and is still available for productive investments; money that moves away to physical assets is lost to the economy.

In the end, to foster savings in the economy, the government will have to take a call on what kind of tax breaks it wants to provide on which kinds of financial instruments. The additional Rs 50,000 deduction from income allowed for investment in certain specified instruments suffers from the same syndrome: most of the instruments included in the list yield only negative real returns.

On another note, finance minister Arun Jaitley in his Budget exhibited some concern for the health of his fellow citizens by imposing a punitive levy, the so-called “sin tax”, on cigarettes. Excise duty has shot up from 11% to 72%. But the levy is limited to only cigarettes of 65-mm length and below. So, the message from the government: cigarettes over 65mm length, the “king-size” brands, are safer than the smaller ones.

What about competing tobacco products? The tax on gutka and chewing tobacco has been increased from 60% to 70%. But on pan masala, the duty has gone up from 12% to only 16%. What gives? This is policy, wittingly or unwittingly, creating a new arbitrage window. There have been reports over the last couple of years, ever since states started banning gutka sales, that these sachets of oral tobacco have been masquerading as pan masala. There is now a tax incentive for gutka to impersonate pan masala. Anybody doing research on the “law of unintended consequences” is sure to find a wealth of material in Indian government policy pronouncements.

If it was public health that was causing Jaitley anxiety, it is intriguing why he spared beedis. Perhaps political expediency requires courting some large beedi manufacturers, whose support is crucial for the upcoming state assembly elections.

Jaitley’s arithmetic for estimating revenue and expenditure numbers for 2014-15 have also invited some degree of scepticism. Even if we tamp down on the cynicism, it is clear that a meaningful Budget can be presented only in February 2015.

Published in The Economic Times on August 2, 2014: goo.gl/sKzcta