Will Jaitley Sow The Right Seeds?

As Finance Minister Arun Jaitley prepares to present the Budget on February 1, one issue will dominate his mindspace: agriculture. With large sections of India’s population depending on the farm sector, continuing distress has reached crisis proportions.

And this predicament manifested itself in the recent Gujarat elections where the BJP retained its majority but lost 16 seats from its 2012 tally. After the polls, Gujarat Chief Secretary J N Singh attributed this loss to farmer distress and unemployment. The distressing after-effects of demonetisation were felt most acutely in the agrarian economy.

This year sees Assembly elections in eight states, of which the predominantly agri-states Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh are currently ruled by the BJP. And in the 2019 general elections, the BJP will be forced to defend its 2014 majority. Hence, agriculture and allied industries will surely play a significant role in shaping the Budget.

Agriculture has been in deep crisis for some time now: The Central Statistics Office’s advance estimates for 2017-18 GDP growth show agriculture growing at 2.1 per cent in the current fiscal against 4.9 per cent during 2016-17.

Apart from the long-term structural issues ignored by all governments so far—fragmented land-holdings impairing productivity, constraints in the input (water, credit, seeds, fertilisers) supply chain, insufficient forward linkages, lack of market access, wastage—the current year has seen some additional low points. The Budget will focus on three areas in agriculture that will convince farmers to vote the BJP back.

Infrastructure: Weather reports showed that 2017 monsoons were bountiful, with a minor deficit. However, there were spatial disparities in distribution of rainfall. This affected kharif sowing in Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab and Madhya Pradesh with pockets of stress recorded in Maharashtra and Karnataka.

This affected output and consequently incomes. It also brought home the age-old problem of how the slow pace of irrigation—covering only 40 per cent of cultivable land—has made agriculture overly dependent on monsoons. With frequent droughts, this infrastructure deficit translates into lower crop and incomes.

For example, an October 2017 presentation from rating agency Crisil showed MP felt the highest stress, with deficient rainfall aggravated by poor irrigation infrastructure. It also singled out Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh which showed a dip in profits earned per hectare during 2017. Jaitley may decide to increase the budget allocation for irrigation, having allotted lower amounts in the previous years. There also needs to be a review of the money spent on irrigation projects which are not being used to their potential.

Sliding prices: During 2017, the arbitrary market structures and policies yielded lower profits for farmers, even with losses in some areas. Loss of income due to sliding prices is critical to understanding farmer distress. This even prompted farmer organisations to request Jaitley to ensure some kind of assured income for farmers in the Budget. The story of declining farmer income is illustrative of the policy missteps by the government.

For example, faulty signals to farmers in the previous year, especially through higher minimum support price (MSP) for certain crops (pulses, for example) led to a bumper crop in 2017. But callous trade policy, especially regarding free imports, led to a glut. To top this, the government’s procurement target was inexplicably kept at a low percentage of the total harvest. Prices inevitably crashed well below MSP and farmers had to sell their crop at non-remunerative prices.

There is also the undeniable shadow of the trader community—the BJP’s traditional vote bank—looming over the Centre’s agriculture policy. The government’s MSP policy has been floundering for a while because of insufficient education leading to low levels of awareness among farmers, inaccessible procurement centres forcing farmers to sell to local traders for lesser prices (in many cases to the local moneylender) and graft in the official procurement system.

The Centre’s eNAM (electronic National Agriculture Market) which provides farmers a platform for selling their produce by linking them electronically with traders across the country is still a work in progress.

Policy Politics: In an open letter to Jaitley, Ajay Vir Jakhar, chairman of Punjab State Farmers’ Commission, has argued that the government’s policies must pivot from “Food Policy” to “Farmers’ Policy”. This is a major change in focus and would require complete overhauling of the farm policy. This suggestion also encapsulates within it the dilemma that confronts policymakers: Should they design policy to ensure food for all at all costs or ensure fair income-generation opportunities for farmers that will also lead to food security?

The policy framework should also examine how to deal with farm-related payments which are entangled in red tape. For example, the crop insurance programme—Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, launched in 2016—has drowned farmers in a sea of paperwork and failed to provide either adequate or timely compensation. The failure of this scheme has been cited as one reasons for Gujarat farmers, especially Saurashtra-based farmers, to change their voting preferences.

Jaitley’s earlier Budgets devoted many sections and paragraphs to the farm economy. However, many of these policies, schemes and announcements were seen as course corrections, tinkering with existing schemes or just plain grandstanding. February 1 should give him an opportunity to make some substantive changes in the farm sector.

The above article was written for New Indian Express and can also be read here

Budget 2018: A Trinity of Challenges Confronts Arun Jaitley

Budget 2018 is Arun Jaitley’s last full budget before next year’s general election and he may choose to do nothing but wait it out

There is something magical about the number three. In Shakespeare’s tragic play, it is three witches who provide Macbeth with a prophecy. The Chinese consider three as the perfect number, three represents the holy trinity, and so on. Finance minister Arun Jaitley’s last Union budget turned out to be quite prescient when he presaged three identifiable risks for the Indian economy: the Federal Reserve increasing interest rates, oil prices rising, and a retreat from globalization. Most of these risks are playing out with slight variations.

There are new fault lines developing now and it will be interesting to see whether the upcoming Union budget has a toolkit for these challenges.

One emerging danger is the capital market’s decoupling from the real economy. This was perceptively highlighted in recent interviews by Uday Kotak, executive vice-chairman and managing director of Kotak Mahindra Bank. In one interview he said: “Money is coming to a broad funnel and it’s going into a narrow pipe where massive amount of Indian savers’ money is now going into few hundred stocks…The amount of money that’s going into small and mid-cap stocks is something on which we have to ask tough questions. Is there a risk of a bubble?”

Kotak could be on to something. According to data from the Association of Mutual Funds in India, investment in mutual funds (net of redemptions) during April-December 2017 was up 28% over the previous year’s corresponding period. Much of this is flowing into stocks and influencing key indices: the 30-share S&P BSE Sensex has appreciated over 29% in the one-year period between 18 January 2017, and 18 January 2018. No other asset class can match these returns. State Bank of India’s fixed deposits for one year pay 6.25%, the government’s 364-day T-bills were recently auctioned at a cut-off rate of 6.52%, metals have ranged between 14-18%, gold yielded about 4%, crude oil is roughly 6% up and real estate continues to remain in the dog-house.

Two provisos merit mention: bitcoins are excluded because they are not available widely (like art or horses) and all the above returns are taxable while returns from investment in stocks for more than a year are tax free.

Curiously, and by serendipitous timing, discussions over a long-term capital gains (LTCG) tax on equity holdings are suddenly in play. LTCG—defined as gains realized from equity sales after holding for more than a year—are exempt from taxation. Short-term capital gains are taxed at 15%. The LTCG debate looks and feels like a test balloon floated to gauge the mood for new taxes. The guessing now is that tax-free LTCG may require a longer holding period of, say, two years. Even then, it is unlikely to yield great tax revenues.

Herein lies Jaitley’s dilemma: a larger section of Indians is now affected (directly or indirectly) by market movements and there’s no saying how additional taxes will have an impact on share values. Jaitley may want another Tobin-like tax to slow down runaway markets—investors already pay securities transaction tax, averaging around Rs 7,400 crore annually—but without rocking the boat. The market’s reception to government slashing its additional borrowing programme by Rs 30,000 crore (Rs 300 billion) was euphoric—the BSE Sensex rose over 300 points—ignoring that Rs 20,000 crore (Rs 200 billion) extra will still be borrowed. It is all down to managing the news cycle so that markets do not reverse course.

The LTCG speculation may have been prompted by need for new tax sources, given the slowdown in overall tax revenue accretion—till November 2017, 57% of the full year’s target had been collected while expenditure has raced ahead. Tax revenue growth is slack because the goods and services tax is taking time to settle down. Cheerleaders have made much of the spike in income-tax collections (15% higher than the corresponding period last year) but are silent about the slowdown in indirect taxes which not only provide a larger proportion of tax collections every year but also indicate continuing stagnation in the real economy with direct repercussions on unemployment.

There are red lights flashing elsewhere. Post demonetisation, money supply is in a frisky zone—in the 12 months to 22 December 2017, it has grown by 10.5% against 6.2% in the previous 12-month period. This has forced the Reserve Bank of India to suck out around Rs3.4 trillion liquidity between 26 December and 6 January. So, a rate cut looks remote at the moment.

Add to these the persistence of risks Jaitley mentioned last year—oil prices inching up and the Federal Reserve’s December interest rate increase with more likely to come in 2018. Then there’s the US’s new corporate-friendly tax bill which provides companies incentives to take back home roughly $3 trillion of global profits—Apple, for example, has announced it is repatriating close to $252 billion.

All this complicates Jaitley’s task. This is his last full budget before next year’s general election and he may choose to do nothing but wait it out. But he has to contend with three (that number again) challenges, which will directly have an impact on eight state elections this year and a general election next year—balancing a hysterical stock market with a slow real economy, providing enough policy measures to incentivise private sector investment and spur job creation, ensuring adequate allocations for the rural sector given the continuing farm distress.

Beyond that, it is most likely to be a holding operation which, in itself, is no mean task.

The above article was first published in Mint newspaper and can also be read here